The essentials
- The vote. On 2 November the Assemblée nationale adopted amendment I-2527 from La France insoumise to the 2027 budget by 33 votes to 26, with 37 abstentions, 32 of them from the Rassemblement national; only 96 deputies took part. The government and the rapporteur général opposed it.
- The change. The rate on share purchases would rise from 0.4% to 0.5%, intraday trades would pay 0.1% and derivatives 0.01%, and the tax would cover any financial instrument, including ETFs, bonds and foreign shares, when a party is established in France and a French-headquartered institution takes part.
- Who pays now. The tax raised €2.53bn in 2025. About three-quarters of its 2017-25 receipts came from trades by investors based abroad, the Cour des comptes found. The new territorial test could let some of those trades out while drawing French savers in.
- The arithmetic. LFI hopes for up to €11bn more a year, more than four times the 2025 yield. By Le Détroit's calculation the rate rise alone would add about €0.6bn to €0.7bn a year before any fall in volumes; the rest depends on taxing repos, market making and day trades that can move.
- What next. The amendment is not law. If deputies reject the revenue part of the budget in the coming vote, the Senate will examine the government's original text without it; the Assemblée's first-reading deadline is 17 November.
1. Thirty-three votes to rewrite a tax
The amendment that passed on Monday 2 November does far more than nudge a rate. During the afternoon sitting on the revenue half of the 2027 budget, the Assemblée nationale adopted amendment I-2527, tabled by Aurélien Le Coq of La France insoumise (LFI) with 69 co-signatories, by 33 votes to 26, with 37 abstentions. The government and the budget's rapporteur général, Philippe Juvin of the Droite républicaine, both opposed it, though the finance committee had backed a similar LFI version.
On paper the change is simple. The taxe sur les transactions financières (TTF) on share purchases would rise from 0.4% to 0.5%, a 25% increase: a €1,000 order would carry €5 of tax instead of €4. Same-day trading, outside the tax today, would pay 0.1%, and derivatives 0.01% of their notional value. LFI's explanatory note says the package could raise "jusqu'à 11 milliards d'euros supplémentaires par an", up to €11bn more a year.
The deeper change is who falls in the net. Today the tax follows the issuer: it applies to purchases of shares in the 121 French-headquartered listed companies worth more than €1bn on 1 December 2025, wherever the buyer is. The amendment drops that test and taxes the purchase or sale of any "instrument financier", including ETFs, bonds and foreign shares, when at least one party is established in France and a financial institution with its registered office in France takes part. It would turn a tax on French shares into a tax on French trades.
The majority rested on an abstention. The four left-wing groups supplied 32 of the 33 votes for; the centre and the right cast the 26 against. The Rassemblement national (RN), the largest group, abstained: had its 32 deputies in the vote opposed it, the amendment would have failed by 33 to 58.
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Dots are placed for illustration and do not show deputies' seats. Votants 96, suffrages exprimés 59, majorité absolue 30. Group counts are those on the Assemblée's scrutin page.
2. Each rise has paid, up to a point
LFI's strongest argument is the tax's own record. It came into force at 0.2% on 1 August 2012, rose to 0.3% in January 2017 and to 0.4% on 1 April 2025. When the rate rose by half in 2017, receipts rose by 54%. In 2025, with only nine months at the new rate, they reached €2.53bn, up 36% on 2024. In its report of 10 September 2026 the Cour des comptes, France's public audit court, found that "la taxe n'a pas provoqué la perturbation majeure du marché que redoutaient ses détracteurs": it did not cause the major disruption its critics had feared.
The same report points to a ceiling. Volumes in taxed shares fell by an estimated 10% to 20% after 2012, and a study by AMAFI, which represents market firms, found a relative fall of about 10% after the 2025 rise, a figure the Cour treats with caution because of US tariffs. On 2 November both camps cited figures the Cour takes from a model by the economist Eduardo Dávila, which puts the rate that best serves collective welfare at 0.37% and the rate that maximises revenue at 0.78%. Mr Juvin invoked the first. Karim Ben Cheikh, an Ecologist who wanted 0.6%, invoked the second and retorted: "Vous nous promettez quasiment les dix plaies d'Égypte à chaque fois, et rien ne se vérifie" (you promise us almost the ten plagues of Egypt every time, and none comes true).
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Treads are of equal width; the periods are printed under each. The benchmarks come from one theoretical model and are not targets set by the Cour.
3. A tax paid mostly from abroad
Follow the money and today's tax turns out to be largely exported. From 2017 to 2025 investors based abroad, mainly in Britain, Germany and the United States, accounted for about three-quarters of receipts, and intermediaries established outside France declared 46.8% of them, the Cour found. Who finally bears the cost, it adds, is undetermined.
The amendment could reverse that pattern. On our reading of the text, a trade in a French share between two foreign investors using foreign brokers, which the issuer test catches today, would fall outside the tax, while a French saver buying an ETF through a French bank would fall inside it. The text covers "l'achat ou la vente", so on its wording sales would be taxed too, and, as today, there is no exemption for the PEA, the tax-favoured share account. In the second quarter of 2025, 834,000 individuals bought or sold shares and 415,000 traded ETFs through institutions operating in France, according to the AMF, the markets regulator.
The obvious exit is the foreign broker. Because the test turns on an institution "disposant de son siège social en France", a French investor using a broker based elsewhere could avoid the tax if no French institution is involved, as the French investing site Cryptoast points out. On our reading, a French branch of a foreign bank would not be enough.
Size of the order
+€0.50, a 25% riseFrom nothing today to €2.50From nothing today to €1.00From nothing today to €2.50+€1.00, a 25% riseFrom nothing today to €5.00From nothing today to €2.00From nothing today to €5.00+€5.00, a 25% riseFrom nothing today to €25.00From nothing today to €10.00From nothing today to €25.00+€10.00, a 25% riseFrom nothing today to €50.00From nothing today to €20.00From nothing today to €50.00+€50.00, a 25% riseFrom nothing today to €250.00From nothing today to €100.00From nothing today to €250.00
Le Détroit's reading of amendment I-2527 as adopted on 2 November 2026; it is not law and may be dropped. The new rules would apply only when a party is established in France and a French-headquartered financial institution takes part. Not tax advice.
The same-day round trip assumes the sale is at the purchase price and that each leg is taxed. Brokerage fees and other taxes are excluded.
4. Eleven billion needs a base that can leave
The €11bn hope only adds up if the business it targets stays in Paris. By Le Détroit's calculation it is more than four times what the tax raised in 2025. A plain rise to 0.5% on today's base would add about €0.6bn to €0.7bn a year before any fall in volumes. Raised entirely at 0.5%, €11bn would require some €2,200bn a year of newly taxed transactions, almost three times the €780bn on which the tax was levied in 2025. Even figures cited on the left point lower: Oxfam's estimate, quoted by LFI, that €100 of tax escapes "chaque seconde" comes to about €3.2bn a year, and Nicolas Sansu of the left-wing GDR group put his own broader version at nearly €4bn in all.
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Each white line marks €250m. Receipts are for the share-purchase component, which makes up almost all of the tax; the Cour gives €947m for 2016. The Cour says the real economic burden is undetermined: who declares or trades is not necessarily who pays in the end.
The money exists on paper. Some €9,284bn of share transactions were declared to Euroclear France, the central depository that collects the tax, in 2025, and 92% of them were exempt. Temporary transfers such as repos and securities lending made up €5,021bn and market making €2,740bn. The rewritten article keeps exemptions only for share issues and for clearing houses and central depositories, so this thin-margin business is where most of the new base would lie. Mr Ben Cheikh also cited €2.2bn of unexplained gaps between tax due and tax paid from 2017 to 2025, which the Cour says cannot yet be counted as lost revenue.
It is also the most mobile. The Cour warned that, "du fait d'une assiette mobile", a change poorly assessed and too far out of step with other countries "risquerait de se traduire, non pas par des recettes supplémentaires, mais par une baisse du produit collecté", lower receipts rather than higher ones. Citing the Cour, Mr Juvin argued that taxing intraday trades, which involve no transfer of ownership, would probably push the activity to other European venues. David Amiel, the minister for public action and public accounts, defended collection by Euroclear, saying that handing it to the tax administration "serait long et coûteux", slow and costly.
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Standard, non-netted transactions declared to Euroclear France. The right-hand list also covers instruments that are not in those data at all, such as ETFs, bonds and derivatives. * Le Détroit's reading of the text, which does not define when a party is established in France.
5. Paris would be going it alone
France would be raising its toll just as Europe's common project is shelved. It already levies one of the continent's higher share taxes, and 0.5% would match Britain's stamp duty. Italy doubled its levy on listed shares to 0.2% in January 2026, Spain charges 0.2% and Belgium 0.35%, capped at €1,600 a trade. Most of these follow the issuer, as France's does today. Belgium's, which also covers bonds and funds, is closer to LFI's design and reaches further: residents owe it even through a foreign broker, a case LFI's text would miss.
The European route is closing. The Commission proposed a common tax in February 2013, with minimum rates of 0.1% and 0.01%, and a scope test that I-2527 closely echoes, minus its fallback on where an instrument was issued. Talks among ten countries stalled, and in its 2026 work programme, published in October 2025, the Commission said it intended to withdraw the proposal. LFI's note cites that retreat as a reason for France to act alone.
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Scopes differ: some taxes follow the issuer, others the buyer's residence or the intermediary, and several exempt intermediaries or cap the charge. Rates shown are for a standard on-exchange purchase.
What happens next
- The Assemblée still had 758 amendments to examine at midnight on 2 November, and the vote on the revenue part, set for 3 November, was postponed. The deputy chairing the sitting, Sébastien Chenu (RN), said the debate could end on the evening of Wednesday 4 November; no new date for the vote had been announced on 3 November.
- If deputies reject the revenue part, which LCP, the parliamentary channel, called "plus que probable", the whole bill goes to the Senate in the government's original version, without I-2527.
- The Assemblée has until midnight on 17 November to finish its first reading; Parliament as a whole has until 17 December, after which the government could enact its own bill by ordinance.
- If the government forces the budget through under article 49.3 of the Constitution, it chooses which adopted amendments to keep. It opposed this one.
6. Le Détroit's reading
The tax's record supports LFI's case for it, and undercuts the promise of €11bn. France has shown it can tax share purchases without breaking its market, because the tax rests on a narrow, sticky base: French blue chips that investors worldwide hold. The €11bn would come from the opposite kind of base, repo financing, market making, day trading and derivatives, which is mobile, and from a territorial test that could release part of the foreign trades that pay three-quarters of today's tax. The likely winners would be foreign funds and brokers; the losers French banks, market makers in French shares and savers who hold ETFs through French accounts.
The amendment is unlikely to survive: the government opposes it, the revenue part may be rejected outright and a 49.3 would let ministers drop it. A plain rate rise would be harder to dismiss, and on our arithmetic would raise about €0.6bn to €0.7bn. Two signals will show which way it goes: whether the revenue part survives its coming vote, and whether any change to the tax appears in a text the government forces through.
What to watch
- The vote on the revenue part of the 2027 budget, due once deputies finish the remaining amendments, which Sébastien Chenu said could happen by the evening of Wednesday 4 November. A rejection would drop I-2527 from the text sent to the Senate.
- Whether the government keeps any change to the tax if it uses article 49.3, and whether a plain rise to 0.5%, without the new base, resurfaces in the Senate or in a joint committee.
- The tax administration's list of French companies worth more than €1bn on 1 December 2026, due in December, which sets the 2027 base (121 names for 2026).
- The study on the tax base and on the nationality of investors and intermediaries that the Cour des comptes asked the administration to publish in 2027.
This article reports a parliamentary vote, official data and public statements, and alleges no wrongdoing. Readings of amendment I-2527, including the calculator, are Le Détroit's interpretation of the text adopted at first reading, which may be changed or dropped, and are not tax advice. French quotations are translated by Le Détroit.

